Ukraine–Poland: Historical Heritage and Social Consciousness
[REVIEW]: CAN A UKRAINIAN EMBRACE RUSSIAN SELF-IDENTIFICATION? [ON THE BOOK]: DOBRZHANSKYI, OLEKSANDR. FROM THE HISTORY OF MOSCOPHILISM IN WESTERN UKRAINIAN LANDS IN THE LATE 19TH – EARLY 20TH CENTURY: A MONOGRAPH. CHERNIVTSI: DRUK ART, 2024. 328 P.
Copyright (c) 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
[REVIEW]: «A TRUE FRIEND IS KNOWN IN TROUBLE!» [ON THE BOOK]: WOJNA NA UKRAINE: KIJÓW – WARSZAWA RAZEM DO ZWYCIĘSTWA. ANALIZY – REFLEKSIĘ – KALENDARIUM. PRACA ZBIOROWA POD REDAKCJĄ STANISŁAWA STĘPNIA. WARSZAWA: FUNDACJA WOLNOŚĆ I DEMOKRACJA, 2022. 418 S.
CONSERVATISM AS A NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY: POLITICAL PROCESSES IN THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND IN 2015–2023
The article analyzes political processes in the Republic of Poland during the rule of the “Law and Justice” party (PiS) in 2015–2023, when conservatism became the foundation of the state’s national security strategy. The conservative turn of the Polish political scene after the so-called “Tusk Era” and approaches to implementing right-conservative principles in domestic and foreign policy are examined. The electoral victories of PiS in 2015 and 2019, which secured the party parliamentary majority and presidential power, are analyzed. Special attention is given to five main postulates of the PiS program: state restoration, economic development, family policy, social reforms, and foreign policy subjectivity. It is shown that PiS’s conservative ideology was based on the values of freedom, solidarity, justice, national identity, and Catholic principles. Key aspects of the political program of PiS included: the active social offer “500+”, strengthening the traditional family model, enhancing the role of the Catholic Church, judicial system reforms, and public administration reforms. PiS’s foreign policy course was characterized by Euroscepticism, strengthening cooperation with the USA and NATO, an anti-Russian position, and complex relations with Ukraine. Conservatism in Poland in 2015–2023 functioned as a comprehensive national security strategy that included protecting cultural authenticity, countering external influences, and strengthening internal unity. At the same time, contradictions existed between conservative principles and European integration, leading to external and internal political conflicts. The transition of executive power to the Civic Coalition and the formation of Donald Tusk’s government in 2023 did not end the conservative cycle in Polish politics, but initiated a new process of political confrontation between liberal-democratic and conservative-democratic doctrines. The Polish experience is of significant importance for understanding contemporary trends in European politics and Central European conservatism.
Republic of Poland, conservatism, national security, “Law and Justice”, Civic Platform, international relations, political processes, Euroscepticism, Ukrainian-Polish relations.
LEGAL REGULATION OF LABOR RELATIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 21ST CENTURY
Based on modern research, the features of labor law reform in the recent history of Poland are revealed. The main principles of legal regulation of labor relations are determined. Key aspects of labor law of the Republic of Poland are analyzed, in particular regarding remote work and the rights of Ukrainian migrants. Labor relations are highlighted as the basis of socio-economic development of the state, since they determined the interaction between employees and employers, affecting the well-being of society. The irreversibility of the introduction of European labor standards and their impact on the labor legislation of Poland is emphasized. It is stated that in the context of Ukraine’s European integration, the study of the experience of the countries of the European Union, in particular Poland, which had a developed labor law system adapted to EU standards, has acquired special importance. A comparison of the legal regulation of labor relations in Ukraine and Poland, in particular in the aspects of remote work and protection of the rights of labor migrants, is summarized, which will allow identifying the strengths and weaknesses of national systems, as well as looking for ways to improve Ukrainian legislation.
Republic of Poland, labor legislation, law, Ukrainian migrants, European Union.
MORAL VALUES AND HISTORICAL AWARD CRITERIA IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
Throughout history, power has attempted to justify its legitimacy through award systems that were often granted not for actual achievements, but for loyalty to the regime. From ancient emperors to modern dictators, awards became instruments of propaganda, reinforcing personality cults and concealing repressions. This article examines how autocracies used honors to manipulate public consciousness and create the illusion of “deserved” power. In Ancient Rome, emperors such as Caligula or Nero attributed divine titles and triumphs to themselves for fabricated victories. Later, in medieval Europe, monarchs established orders (for example, the Order of the Golden Fleece) to buy the loyalty of nobility. These awards had nothing to do with honor or valor – they were political instruments that maintained the hierarchy of power. The Soviet Union and Nazi Germany perfected the system of undeserved awards. Stalin awarded orders to GULAG administrators, while Hitler presented crosses for “merits” to officers who committed war crimes. In North Korea or the USSR, entire categories of honors appeared for propagandists who glorified the regime. Today in countries such as Russia or Belarus, the practice continues of mass awarding of state honors to officials, security personnel, and propagandists. For example, orders for “revival of traditions” or “patriotism” are often received by individuals involved in repressions. This demonstrates that undeserved awards remain an important instrument for legitimizing dictatorships. The system of state honors in autocracies always reflects their essence – it does not reward merit, but maintains power through symbolic capital. Research into this phenomenon helps better understand the mechanisms of propaganda and methods of manipulating historical memory.
historical dictatorships, political honors, autocracies, totalitarianism, propaganda, personality cult, legitimization of power, symbolic capital, repressive regimes, ancient despots, medieval orders, modern dictatorships, manipulation of history.
ETHNOSOCIOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS OF THE FORMATION OF THE UKRAINIAN NATION IN THE 19TH–20TH CENTURIES: UKRAINIAN-POLISH INTERETHNIC INTERACTION
The article explores Ukrainian-Polish interethnic interaction throughout the 19th and 20th centuries as a factor in the formation of Ukrainian national identity from an ethnosociological perspective. It examines the dynamics of relations between the Ukrainian and Polish ethnic groups under conditions of imperial domination, national awakening, interwar confrontation, World War II, and the Soviet period. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the policy of pacification and forms of political mobilization of Ukrainians in the context of Polish state policy, the events of the Volyn tragedy during World War II. The article highlights local examples of cooperation, religious and cultural coexistence as alternative models of interethnic interaction. Based on contemporary Ukrainian historiography and interdisciplinary approaches, the potential of Ukrainian-Polish historical dialogue is substantiated as a means of reconciliation amid new geopolitical challenges.
interethnic interaction, national identity, nation-building, historical memory, ethnosociology.
BISHOP HRYHORII KHOMYSHYN: AT THE CROSSROADS OF UKRAINIAN-POLISH CULTURAL AND ECCLESIASTICAL RELATIONS IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY
The article highlights the figure of Bishop Hryhorii Khomyshyn as a key actor in Ukrainian-Polish relations in Galicia during the first half of the 20th century. His sociopolitical and religious views are analyzed in the context of the interethnic challenges of the time. The study considers cultural aspects of his activity and his contribution to the development of education and spirituality, as well as his role in shaping a new paradigm of Ukrainian-Polish relations. Special attention is given to his concept of the “Western vector” in the development of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church and culture. The aim of the research is to comprehensively analyze the activities and legacy of Hryhorii Khomyshyn as a representative of Ukrainian-Polish religious and cultural dialogue, to explore his vision of the UGCC’s role in Ukraine’s civilizational choice, and to identify the impact of interethnic interaction on the formation of the bishop’s theological and social views. The methodology is based on an interdisciplinary approach that combines historical-biographical, cultural, comparative, and hermeneutic methods. The research utilizes sources of both Ukrainian and Polish origin, as well as materials from church archives, memoirs of contemporaries, and analytical works by modern scholars. Scientific novelty lies in the attempt to present Hryhorii Khomyshyn not only as a church hierarch, but also as a thinker, cultural modernizer, and initiator of strategic rapprochement with the European Christian tradition. For the first time within the context of Ukrainian-Polish relations, his concept of modern Ukrainian identity based on a Catholic vision of social development is analyzed. Expected conclusions: Bishop Khomyshyn played a significant role in establishing dialogue between the Ukrainian and Polish peoples at both religious and cultural levels. His ideas remain relevant in the contemporary search for models of coexistence in a multicultural society. The study of Khomyshyn’s legacy opens new perspectives for examining the ethno-confessional transformational processes in Galicia and contributes to a deeper understanding of the Church’s role in interethnic relations.
Hryhorii Khomyshyn, Ukrainian-Polish relations, Galicia, Greek Catholic Church, intercultural dialogue, Latinization, Western European orientation.
THE LEGISLATOR OF STYLE IN LVIV’S ARCHITECTURE OF THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY: LIFE AND CREATIVE WORK OF ALFRED ZACHARIEWICZ
This text introduces readers to the life and work of Alfred Zachariewicz (1871–1937), an outstanding Galician architect who worked during the age of Art Nouveau, early Modernism, and Neoclassicism of the early 20th c. Being the leading builder of modern Lviv, he acted as the heir to the professional fame of his father, Prof. Julian Zachariewicz – the founder of Lviv architectural school in the era of historical styles. In his professional activities, Zachariewicz Jr. consciously articulated his mission as an innovator participating in the creation of the Mikolasch Passage (1899–1900) or the complex of Lviv main railway station (1901–1904). In Galicia, he introduced modern construction methods and materials, in particular, the reinforced concrete of Hennebque system. Alfred Zachariewicz became famous as the builder of hundreds of reinforced-concrete bridges, which were among the largest in Austria-Hungary. His projects combined the refined aesthetics of form with functional thoughtfulness of inner planning, as evidenced by the most prominent among the public buildings he created – the historic edifice of Lviv Chamber of Commerce and Industry (1907–1910). He also implemented projects for the best banking buildings in Lviv, in particular, the office of the Landed Credit Society (1911–1916), which clearly imitates the style of Otto Wagner. In Lviv’s cityscape, the residential buildings he designed – such as Ballaban apartment house (1908–1910) – attract special attention. In Lviv, Alfred Zachariewicz was the first to turn to the forms of Art Nouveau style, and later proved himself as a leading master of architectureworking in the paradigm of post-Art Nouveau Neoclassicism. For a long time, Alfred Zachariewicz’s achievements remained undervalued, his name being almost omitted in architectural-history publications. Meanwhile, his outstanding role in the development of the architecture of Lviv at the beginning of the previous century can be compared with the contributions of Lviv’s prominent architects of ancient eras – Paolo Dominici at the end of the 16th c., Bernard Meretyn in the middle of the 18th c., or Julian Zachariewicz in the last third of the19th c.
Galicia, Lviv, borderland of cultures, mixed identity, fin de siècle, Art Nouveau, Neoclassicism.
ATTEMPTS TO REVISE THE MAIN PROVISIONS OF THE HADIACH AGREEMENT AND THE REASONS FOR THE FAILURE OF ITS PRACTICAL IMPLEMENTATION IN 1659
The attempts to revise the main provisions of the Hadiach Agreement of 1658 in the context of the political situation of 1659 are investigated. Special attention is paid to the position of Hetman Ivan Vyhovsky, the attitude of the Cossack elders, opposition colonels and representatives of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth to the provisions on the creation of the Grand Duchy of Rus’. The reasons for the concessions on the part of the Ukrainian side in the Hadiach Agreement of 1659 are analyzed, including internal opposition, the growth of pro-Moscow sentiments among the Cossacks, the military threat, diplomatic compromises and the betrayal of some elites. The content of the proposals of the Zaporozhian Army to amend the text of the agreement proposed by I. Vyhovsky is analyzed. The conclusion is made that the fate of the Hadiach Agreement was decided during the discussion at the Sejm in May 1659. It is shown how political instability, lack of unity among the Ukrainian leadership, and the aggressive position of the Moscow state made the practical implementation of the Hadiach Agreement impossible. As a result, the idea of including Rus in an equal federation with Poland and Lithuania remained an unrealized political alternative.
Hadіach Agreement, Ukraine, Zaporizhian Army, Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Grand Duchy of Rus.
VOLYN AND EASTERN PODOLIA MAGNATES AND NOBILITY ON THE BORDER WITH THE POLISH CROWN DURING THE SURVEY OF BORDER ESTATES IN 1546
This article examines the 1546 census of the interstate borders between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish Crown. It focuses on the relations between the magnates and nobility of both states along the border, as manifested during the inspection and recording of property boundaries in the protocols of border commissioners. It examines the structure of the border inspection protocols and the objects of data recording, such as violations, border markers and statements by privileged landowners regarding the recognition or non-recognition of borders and possessions. The article demonstrates that the border relations between the magnates and nobility of both states were neighbourly, due to the noble right of land ownership and the early modern nature of their territorial organisation. To a large extent, these relations were determined by the management of territories by their own subjects, creating precedents for territorial disputes. The source reveals the differences in the specifics of border relations between neighbouring landowners in Podillia on the border with the Wild Field. The outlined problems of relations between magnates and gentry on the border and the demarcation of estate borders can be significantly deepened by studying the deed books of the Volyn land until 1569 as part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, as well as similar books of the Belz, Rus and Podolia voivodeships of the Crown, materials of the Lithuanian Metric, the Crown Metric, and the remains of the nobility and magnate archives, which reflected the contacts of border landowners much more fully.
description of the borders between states in 1546, government action, border inspections, noble estates, Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Crown of Poland, Ruthenian Voivodeship, Volhynia, Podolia, Bratslav District.
SPECIFICS OF THE EXPANSION OF POLISH KING CASIMIR III TOWARDS RUTHENIAN LANDS: AN ATTEMPT TO RECONSTRUCT ITS CAUSES AND COURSE
The article raises the issue of the peculiarities of Polish King Casimir III’s participation in the struggle for the Galician-Volhynian inheritance. Its general perception in Polish and Ukrainian historiography with the specifics of the era of their formation is considered. Since the question of Casimir III’s motives and participation was traditionally closely linked to the reign and death of the last independent Galician-Volhynian prince, Yuri II Boleslaw Troidenovich, there were studied in detail the nuances of his religious policy, relations with the Galician and Volhynian boyar elites, the internal situation in the state, and external relations with neighbors. The author analyzed how the legend about Yuri Boleslaw’s participation in trilateral negotiations with the Hungarian and Polish kings in Visegrad in the summer of 1338, with the transfer of his inheritance to the latter, arose. Counterarguments are also presented. The course of the Polish-Ruthenian-Tatar war of 1340–1341, its conclusion, and consequences, including Casimir III’s revenge in 1349, are traced. To understand the king’s vision for the conquered territories, the nuances of his titles are analyzed. The author examines how the king’s relations with the boyars developed; including the latter’s adaptation to the new conditions of feudal relations with the monarch. Less noticeable but, in the long term, more important aspects of Casimir III's expansion are analyzed. An explanation is given of what motivated the promotion of foreigners in Galician cities in terms of their participation in international trade. An overview of the king’s colonization measures on the western border of Galicia is provided. The “Casimirian model” of colonization and urbanization by Franciszek Sikora is examined using examples of half a hundred locations of new towns and villages in Lesser Poland and Galician Rus’ in the period from 1333 to 1370, and the results are presented. The author of the article provides his answer to the most likely motive for Casimir III's expansion into Ruthenian lands.
Poland, Rus, Galicia, Casimir III, Yuri-Boleslav Troidenovich, expansion, colonisation, trade, extensive development, historiography.
POLITICISATION OF HISTORY OR HISTORICISATION OF POLITICS?
On the Second Polish-Ukrainian Communiqué (November 2024), the need to resume academic dialogue in the format of seminars ‘Ukraine-Poland: Difficult Issues’
STALINIST REPRESSIONS AGAINST THE SCIENTIFIC INTELLIGENCE AND YOUTH OF LVIV
UKRAINIAN ART: GLOBAL, NATIONAL, REGIONAL DIMENSIONS
PSYCHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF VISUAL IDENTITY IN UKRAINIAN-POLISH RELATIONS: A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
This article examines the integration of psychosemantic analysis and visual identity as a methodological framework for studying public consciousness in the context of Ukrainian- Polish relations. The authors propose a theoretical approach in which visual identity is seen as a form of representation of social perceptions and collective images of the “self” and the “other”. Particular attention is paid to the potential of George Kelly’s repertory grid technique for studying the psychosemantic structure of the images of “a Pole” and “a Ukrainian” in public consciousness. The analysis shows that visual representations are not merely external attributes of identity but serve as indicators of deep cognitive categories such as trust, status, proximity, or threat. The article systematizes theoretical sources from the psychology of identity, intergroup relations, semantic analysis, and visual studies. It substantiates the use of visual materials (coats of arms, emblems, patches, memes, images of soldiers and historical figures, etc.) as key objects for psychosemantic investigation. The results of the theoretical analysis demonstrate the potential of integrating psychological and visual approaches to reveal latent elements of public consciousness that shape interethnic perception dynamics. The article concludes by emphasizing the need for further empirical research using the repertory grid method to diagnose, model, and modify the representations that underlie identity narratives within the Ukrainian-Polish dialogue.
public consciousness, visual identity, psychosemantic analysis, repertory grid method, Ukrainian-Polish relations, intergroup perception, national images
EDUCATIONAL MIGRATION OF UKRAINIAN STUDENTS TO POLAND: DYNAMICS AND STRUCTURE IN THE CONTEXT OF FULL-SCALE RUSSIAN AGGRESSION
The article analyses the preconditions, quantitative dimension and consequences of the educational migration of Ukrainians to the Republic of Poland after Russia’s full-scale invasion in2022. It is proven that the increase of the number of Ukrainian students in Polish higher education institutions (uczelniach) was caused by the following factors: the threat to life and health caused by Russian aggression, cultural proximity, the search for quality education and opportunities for high-paying jobs in the European Union. Statistical reports from the Polish State Research Institute “Ośrodek Przetwarzania Informacji” and the Institute of International Education (USA) showed an increase in the number of Ukrainians in Polish universities and higher education institutions from 34,734 to 48,056 in 2022–2024. “Management”, “Computer Science”, and “Medicine” were very popular among Ukrainian students. Adopted in March 2022, the Polish Law “On Assistance to Citizens of Ukraine in connection with the Armed Conflict on the Territory of this State” allowed Ukrainians to study in Polish for free in public educational institutions and to get a job teaching without competition. The analysis of the results of the questionnaire survey of Ukrainian students of the “Polonistyka for Foreigners” study program showed both high adaptability and constant fear and uncertainty about the future. The quantitative increase of Ukrainian students in Poland was expressed in demographic and economic benefits for Poland, but also in social challenges – language barrier, xenophobia, cultural integration.
Ukraine, Poland, Russian-Ukrainian war, educational migration, higher education, students, cultural integration
EDUCATION AND SCIENCE AS INSTRUMENTS OF RECONCILIATION: OVERCOMING HISTORICAL PREJUDICES IN POLISH-UKRAINIAN DIALOGUE
This article examines the role of education and science as key tools in fostering reconciliation between Ukraine and Poland, particularly in overcoming historical prejudices and shaping a culture of dialogue.The author emphasizes the importance education in forming perceptions the need to develop objectivе textbooks that reflect both nations’ perspectives. The paper highlights successful examples of Ukrainian-language schools operating in Poland, which contribute to the preservation of national identity while promoting integration into Polish society. It also explores how academic environments can help depoliticize historical memory through interdisciplinary research, conferences, academic exchanges, and joint publications.Special attention is given to the Ukrainian-Polish historical commissions, which serve as platforms for constructive dialogue on controversial aspects of shared history.The article discusses commemorative initiatives and cultural projects that support the formation of a common memory culture. It argues that only through the development of critical thinking, respect for historical truth, openness to diverse perspectives, and active intercultural cooperation can societies overcome stereotypes and achieve genuine understanding. Education and science are presented not merely as tools for knowledge transmission, but as instruments for humanitarian transformation in interstate relations.
Poland, Ukraine, education, science, reconciliation, historical prejudices, dialogue
LOBBYING UKRAINE’S INTERESTS IN THE POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF ALEKSANDER KWASNIEWSKI
The implementation of the principles of Polish-Ukrainian reconciliation devised by emigrant circles in the practical plane of interstate relations is perhaps one of the most important stages of the reconciliation process itself. Politicians, statesmen and governments have been playing a key role in this. Much of the credit for the Polish-Ukrainian rapprochement goes to the Polish politician, journalist and public figure Aleksander Kwasniewski. The concept of Polish-Ukrainian cooperation in A. Kwasniewski’s political thought has included several elements: advocating the crucial importance of the Warsaw-Kyiv axis for the security of the whole region of East and Central Europe, resolving historical disputes, liberalizing policies towards national minorities, achieving reconciliation, and lobbying for Ukraine’s European integration and economic aspirations.The normalization of Polish-Ukrainian relations, the institutionalization of bilateral reconciliation and the advocacy of Ukraine’s interests in the international arena have become important areas of Alexander Kwasniewski’s activities. During his two presidential terms, he initiated a number of bilateral projects in the political and economic spheres. A. Kwasniewski took part in resolving the 2004 internal Ukrainian crisis, and currently serves as an adviser to Ukrainian political institutions and an expert in bilateral cooperation. He has been repeatedly recognized as the best lobbyist for Ukraine in the international arena. In the context of Polish- Ukrainian cooperation, A. Kwasniewski’s presidency stands out among the presidencies of other heads of state of the Third Rzeczpospolita. During his term, a new Constitution was adopted, and Poland joined the EU and NATO. The initiatives launched by A. Kwasniewski: inviting Ukraine to join the group of Central European states, supporting reforms and democratization, lobbying for NATO and EU membership, the declaration of reconciliation, the construction of the Odesa-Gdansk oil pipeline, the annual economic forum in Rzeszow, and the creation of a Polish-Ukrainian military unit, have lost none of their relevance in the current situation.
Polish-Ukrainian relations, Polish-Ukrainian reconciliation, Aleksander Kwasniewski, lobbying
THE POLISH AUTOCEPHAL ORTHODOX CHURCH IN SOCIO-POLITICAL PROCESSES OF THE 20TH – EARLY 21ST CENTURY (RUSSIAN FACTOR)
The article examines the issue of obtaining autocephaly by the Polish Orthodox Church (POC) from the Patriarchate of Constantinople in 1925, traces the role of the government of the Second Polish Republic and the opposition of the Russian Orthodox Church in the processes of gaining independence of the POC. The role of the Ukrainian factor in promoting independent tendencies in church life is highlighted. The issue of the legal consequences of the attempt to grant autocephaly to the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church (PAOC) from the Moscow Patriarchate in 1948 is highlighted. Attention is focused on the leading role of the pro-Moscow vector in the life of the PAOC after World War II to the present. The PAOC’s non-recognition of the creation of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU) in 2018 and the synchronism of actions with the position of the Moscow Patriarchate, as well as the ambiguous position on Russian aggression against Ukraine, are noted.
Polish Orthodox Church, Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church, Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, autocephaly, Orthodoxy
BETWEEN DECLARATION AND CENTRALIZATION: LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT IN BUKOVINA UNDER THE ADMINISTRATIVE POLICY OF ROYAL ROMANIA IN 1918–1938
The article examines the process of institutional formation and functioning of the local self-government system in the territory of Northern Bukovina after its annexation to the Kingdom of Romania in 1918. The author analyzes the regulatory and legal framework of governance in the region, in particular the implementation of the provisions of the 1923 constitution, the 1925 law on administrative unification, and the accompanying bylaws.It is noted that, despite the proclamation of the principles of decentralization and democratic governance, the actual administrative policy of Romania regarding the annexed territories, including Bukovina, was characterized by the centralization of powers, the elimination of autonomous bodies typical of the Austrian administrative system, and the appointment of loyal temporary governing bodies.After the adoption of the 1925 law, local self-government acquired a two-tier structure: communities (rural and urban) and counties. Communities had the status of legal entities, formed public councils of elected and official members, who had the right to make decisions on issues of local importance: education, healthcare, culture, improvement, cooperation, etc.The leading person in the community was the mayor, who was elected for a term of 5 years.The mayor had broad powers, including the implementation of council decisions, regulation of administrative activities and representation of the community before state bodies. County councils were formed taking into account the size of the population and included both elected councilors and representatives of key ministries and institutions. Their activities were aimed at implementing general state and local tasks in the areas of education, healthcare, infrastructure, and social protection.Along with public and county councils, there was a vertical executive administration: prefects, sub-prefects, praetors, notaries, who implemented the functions of central government in the localities. The prefect was the government representative in the county, coordinated the activities of administrative services and exercised general control over compliance with the law.Special attention is paid to the status of suburban communities, which could be attached to the urban community, but retained partial autonomy. The author emphasizes the complexity of the legal procedures that accompanied the change in the status of settlements, as well as the interaction between urban and suburban administrations.Considerable attention in the work is devoted to the personal composition of local councils, requirements for employees, as well as the role of such key figures as the community secretary, notary and employees of specialized departments (veterinary, sanitary, technical, etc.). The classification of administration employees by categories (general administrative, specialized) is presented, their functional responsibilities and the procedure for appointment are described.Thus, the author of the article concludes that the Romanian model of local self- government in Bukovina combines elements of democratic representation with instruments of strict administrative control, which ultimately ensured the preservation of the unitary model of public administration in a multinational region.
local self-government, Bukovina, Royal Romania, administrativereform, community, county, mayor, prefect, decentralization, publicadministration, interwar period, administrative-territorial structure
THE IMPACT OF WORLD WAR I ON DEMOGRAPHIC PROCESSES IN LVIV (JULY 1915 – OCTOBER 1918)
This article is devoted to the analysis of the demographic situation in Lviv during the period of the restoration of Austro-Hungarian power (July 1915 – October 1918) during World War I. The study covers key demographic indicators: total population, birth rate, mortality rate and causes of death, as well as migration processes, in particular the movement of refugees. The chronological framework of the work is determined by the return of Austrian rule after the Russian occupation (1914–1915) and the end of the period with the November Uprising of 1918. The relevance of the topic lies in the need to understand the impact of military events on the demographic processes of the urban environment, which allows us to draw parallels with modern challenges caused by wars. Based on archival data, in particular materials from the State Archives of Lviv Oblast and the City Statistical Bureau, the dynamics of Lviv’s population were analyzed. In 1918, the city’s population was 187 431 people, which indicates a decrease compared to the pre-war period (212 030 people in 1914).Migration processes had a significant impact on demography: the mass outflow of residents during the Russian occupation, evacuation to the rear regions of Austria-Hungary, and the return of refugees after 1915. In 1915–1916, a significant number of resettlers returned to Lviv, which caused an overload of the city’s social infrastructure. The Brusilov Offensive of 1916–1917 exacerbated the migration crisis, forcing thousands of people to move to Lviv as a relatively safe rear center. The study also examined fertility and mortality rates. In 1915–1918, 10 423 children were born, but the high maternal mortality rate (2.8%) reflected the low level of medical care. The total mortality in the city was 18 530 cases, of which 10.8% were refugees. The main causes of death were epidemic diseases (smallpox, typhus, cholera), pulmonary tuberculosis, pneumonia and heart disease. In 1918, the birth rate was 15.66 per 1000 people, the death rate was 27.9 per 1000 people, which led to a negative natural increase (-2295 people).
World War I, Eastern Galicia, Lviv, social situation, demography, refugees, Austro-Hungarian administration
HADIACH AGREEMENT OF 1658: MAIN AUTHORS, ANALYSIS OF THE CONTENT AND PRINCIPLES OF COEXISTENCE OF THE CONTRACTING PARTIES
The content of the treaty signed in Hadyach on September 16, 1658 between the Zaporizhian Army and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth is analyzed. The motivations of the authors of its “Ukrainian clauses” are clarified. The arguments that guided them when working out the proposals for the agreement are presented. It is assessed as the first important stage on the way to creating a collective security system in Central and Eastern Europe and a program document that was supposed to deter the aggression of the Muscovite state.Attention is focused on the differences in the goals and interpretation of the content between the signatories of the document from the Zaporizhian Army and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: the former sought to create a confederation of states under the supremacy of a single monarch with united armed forces and a coordinated foreign policy, while the latter wanted to create a federal state with restrictions on the sovereignty of the countries that were part of it. The primary objectives of the treaty were to establish peace between Ukraine and Poland and to grant amnesty to the participants in the war between the Zaporizhian Army and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. It is stated that this historical document reflected the aspirations of Ukrainian authors for peace, freedom, statehood and international recognition of Ukraine. It is concluded that the Cossack state was to be transformed into the Grand Duchy of Rus, since for the authors of the “Ukrainian clauses” the fixation of such a name was then perceived as an inheritance of the traditions of Kyiv Rus and the Kingdom of Rus. The declarative intentions of the agreement are the revival of the national state in Ukraine with its territory, elite, administrative, judicial and financial systems, army and national church. It is noted that the clause on the implementation of restitutions was unrealistic to implement, provoking a conflict between the former owners and their new masters from the Cossack foreman. Attention is drawn to the important symbolic significance of the agreement for the development of understanding in the history of Ukrainian-Polish relations.
Hadyach Agreement, Ukraine, Zaporizhian Army, Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Grand Duchy of Rus
THE PROBLEM OF BORDERING THE INTERSTATE BORDERS OF THE POLISH CROWN WITH VOLYN AND EASTERN PODILLYA IN 1546
The article deals with the problem of the interstate borders between the Polish Crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which mostly ran through the territory of modern Ukraine and the former territories of the Russian Kingdom (Galicia-Volhynia): Polissya, Volhynia and Podillya, as well as the territory of Beresteyshchyna (Republic of Belarus). This problem is considered in connection with the study of such a unique historical source as the “Inventory of Borders and Damages” of 1546, which recorded the detours of the estate borders of the magnates and nobles of both states. The historical context of the creation of the 1546 border inventory, the only description of this section of the border in the early modern period, is reconstructed. The historiography of the study of this source and the problems of border demarcation from the late fifteenth to the first half of the sixteenth century are analyzed. The topic of inter-neighbourly relations between the border magnates and the nobility of both states was highlighted as a separate issue. From the point of view of source characterization, the Popys of 1546 was classified as a descriptive and statistical source. The author compares the action of describing the border of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania with the Kingdom of Poland with other similar actions of that time. The author analyses the institutional aspect of the creation of border commissions, which were supposed to consider border disputes between the magnates and nobility of the GDL and the Crown as a prerequisite for the delimitation of interstate borders. It is shown how the analogy of the creation of these commissions was used in the truces of the GDL with the Moscow Principality in 1508–1556. The role and place of the unimplemented project of establishing joint border commissioners’ courts between the GDL and the Crown in 1554 are examined. It is proved that the border commissioners, who carried out the border census in 1546, were the following.
description of the borders of 1546, interstate border, borders of estates, commissary courts, magnates, gentry, diet, the Crown of Poland, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Volyn, Podilia
SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE “MYRON KORDUBA: SCIENTIST AND PUBLIC-POLITICAL ACTIVIST (TO THE 135TH ANNIVERSARY OF HIS BIRTH)”
CONDOLENCES ON THE OCCASION OF THE TRAGIC DEATH OF THE PRESIDENT OF POLAND, LECH KACYNZKI
INTERPRETATION OF THE HISTORY OF THE GRAND DUCTY OF LITHUANIA IN THE SLAVIC HISTORIOGRAPHIC TRADITION OF THE 19TH CENTURY
VOLYN CLERICS IN THE SOCIAL TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE 20TH CENTURY
HISTORY–CULTURE–SCIENCE–RELIGION: A STUDY OF THE UKRAINIAN-POLISH RELATIONS IN “WARSAW NOTES ON UKRAINIAN STUDIES”
The article highlights the functioning of the scientific journal “Warsaw Notes on Ukrainian Studies” (“Warshavski ukrainoznavchi zapysky”), which is issued on the basis of an annual international conference on Ukrainian studies – Polish-Ukrainian meeting.The proceedings turned into systematic research on the history of literature, language, religion and Church, national consciousness, political and philosophical opinion in Ukraine, problems of the history of Ukrainian-Polish relations, the role of prominent figures, and cultural transformations of the Polish-Ukrainian border.
ІСТОРІОГРАФІЯ, БІБЛІОГРАФІЯ, ДЖЕРЕЛОЗНАВСТВО
scientific journal, the Ukrainian-Polish relations, Ukrainian studies, ethnocultural frontier
THE POLISH-UKRAINIAN CONFLICT ON THE WESTERN UKRAINIAN LANDS DURING WORLD WAR II IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY: DEMOGRAPHIC ASPECT
The author investigates the number of ethnic-national victims in the conflict on the West Ukrainian territories during World War ІІ on the base of studyіng scientific literature. The author focuses on the consequences which appeared to be tragic for both sides.
Ukrainian-Polish relations, ethnosocial conflict, Ukrainian-Polish frontier, Ukrainian and Polish historiography